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SBA Loan Rule Now Shuts Out Green Card Holders, Even at 1% Ownership

A Small Business Administration policy notice that took effect March 1 bars lawful permanent residents from its 7(a) and 504 loan programs. The fallout is now reaching borrowers.

Official seal of U.S. Representative Judy Chu of California's 28th District.
Official seal of U.S. Representative Judy Chu of California's 28th District.

The rule is short, and its arithmetic is unforgiving. Under a Small Business Administration policy notice that took effect March 1, a business applying for the agency's main loan programs must be 100% owned by U.S. citizens or U.S. nationals living in the country. A single percentage point held by a lawful permanent resident now disqualifies the whole application.

That is a sharp turn from where the line sat for decades. The longstanding standard required that a majority — 51% — of an applicant be owned by citizens, nationals, or green card holders, leaving room for the rest to be held even by foreign investors. Green card holders could own a business outright and still apply. The new notice erases that path for the SBA's flagship 7(a) and 504 programs, the two most widely used government-backed loan channels for small firms.

The change did not arrive in isolation. It tightens a December 19 guidance that had already made any business with more than 5% ownership by a foreign national, green card holder, or citizen living abroad ineligible for the programs. That earlier notice also stripped eligibility entirely from businesses with any ownership by Chinese nationals — a category that, as critics noted, sweeps in many Chinese Americans who have lived in the United States for decades.

What is new this week is not the rule but its bite. Reporting from NPR and other outlets has begun tracing how the policy is landing on borrowers who built their businesses lawfully and now find the cheapest source of expansion capital closed to them. The practical effect falls on a specific group: entrepreneurs who pay taxes, employ citizens, and hold permanent legal status, but not a passport.

The numbers give the policy its shape. Last year, about 4% of SBA loans went to businesses involving permanent residents — a modest slice of the portfolio, but a decisive one for the firms inside it. The agency's own argument for the change is that taxpayer-backed financing should support businesses owned by citizens. The counterargument turns on how the programs actually work.

Representative Judy Chu, who represents a heavily immigrant district in California's San Gabriel Valley, made that case in a statement, and her sharpest point was fiscal rather than rhetorical: the loan programs, she noted, operate at zero subsidy.

"For so many, access to capital is what makes it possible to start a business, keep the doors open, and keep workers employed... And crucially, these loans are not a handout because the programs operate with zero subsidy, meaning they do not cost the taxpayer a dime."

Rep. Judy Chu (CA-28), in a statement on the SBA notice

The "zero subsidy" detail is the part of the record that complicates the official rationale. If the 7(a) and 504 programs are designed to run without drawing on the Treasury — funded through fees and repayments rather than appropriations — then "protecting taxpayers" is a thinner justification for narrowing who can borrow. That is the seam where the policy fight will be argued.

The figures Chu cited point to the scale of who is affected. California is home to the most immigrant-owned businesses in the country, with more than 829,000 immigrant entrepreneurs. Nationally, more than 3 million Asian American, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander-owned businesses employ 5.2 million people and generate close to $1 trillion in annual sales; Hispanic-owned businesses add roughly $800 billion. In fiscal 2024, the SBA backed 8,900 loans to Asian-owned firms totaling $7.2 billion — a 70% jump in the number of such businesses funded since 2020.

Lenders and economic-development groups warn that firms shut out of the programs will be pushed toward conventional financing carrying higher rates, larger down payments, or stiffer terms — the kind of cost difference that decides whether a second location opens or a payroll holds. The Community Advantage program, aimed at the most underserved borrowers, sits inside the same tightened eligibility net.

The notice is administrative, not legislative, which means it can be revised as quickly as it was issued — and it lands in a Congress already pulled into fights over the administration's agenda, from the lapse of a major surveillance authority to a contested spending package. For now the line is drawn at a single percentage point of ownership, and the businesses on the wrong side of it are finding out what that costs when they walk into a bank.

Reporting based on coverage by Office of Rep. Judy Chu.

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